A discourse analysis about career and social status of the Vietnam working class: A case study from Binh Duong province, Vietnam
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
A discourse analysis about career and social status of the
Vietnam working class: A case study from Binh Duong
province, Vietnam
by Nguyen Quang Huy (Thu Dau Mot University)
Article Info: Received 11 Jan. 2021, Accepted 1 Mar. 2021, Available online 15 Mar. 2021
Corresponding author: [email protected].vn
ABSTRACT
In recent years, there have been more studies on the Vietnamese workers’ life in
the industrial zones. However, the research on career and social status of the
workers is still a desert. This article investigates how Vietnamese workers
perceive their career and social status. Data were collected through survey by
quantitative questionnaire and in-depth interviews with 800 samples in industrial
zones of Binh Duong Province of Vietnam. Finding results show that: (1) The
workers evaluated their career and social status at an average level in compared
to other classes in society. (2) With an average level, the voices of workers have
not received adequate attention from the companies, government and unions when
conflict of interest occurs. The workers’ experience in daily social interaction is
one of the reasons why workers perceive themselves in lower status than other
classes in the social hierarchy. Further studies should be paid attention to
individual experience through discourse to understanding the worker’s life.
Keywords: discourse, career and social status, Vietnam working class, Binh
Duong province
1. Introduction
36
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
The Vietnam working class appeared in Vietnam’s situation is under rule of French
colonialism (Dương Xuân Ngọc, 2014). Since its appearance, the Communist Party
Vietnamese has identified the leading role of the working class in the resistance war
against foreign aggression (Tran Phu, 1930). After the country was reunified, the
working class has still played the role of leadership class of the Vietnam revolution to
move forward socialism in social discourse. It is identified as the first labor force in
building and defending country (Nghị quyết 20 - NQ/TW, 28/1/2008). However, in fact,
the majority of Vietnam workers are nowadays come from the poor countryside and
their life in industrial zones contain economic and social risks (Nguyễn Đức Lộc, 2013).
The Vietnam working class’s condition is still seen as the poor people immigrate to rich
cities, in spite of their positive contributions to its economy. They contribute over 60%
of total social product and 70% of the state budget per year (Đặng Ngọc Tùng cb.,
2010). In the contradiction between the social discourse of the Vietnam working class
and the situation of their life, the article have placed interest in the understanding the
worker’s own perceptions about their career and social status.
2. Literature review
Social status is the concept used to indicate position or rank, determined with honor or
respect, of an individual or a group in society (Thye & Witkowski, 2003). Social status
not only identifies individual status but also relates to social distinction (Weber, 1946;
Bourdieu, 1984). Individual will build their social identity by social status. From the
point of view social status theory, it can be seen that the social status is always tied with
certain qualities or values. However, this view is investigated by some post structuralists
(such as Foucault, Lacan, Giddens, Goffman). For them, social status can become the
object of power and manifest externally through validated texts or statements.
Discourse is an important concept in Michel’s Foucault analysis of social history. Iara
Lessa (2006) summarized Foucault’s concept of discourse as “systems of thoughts
composed of ideas, attitudes, courses of action, beliefs and practices that systematically
construct the subjects and the worlds of which they speak”. For Foucault, discourse is
seen as a way to maintain and reproduce unequal structures in society. The composition
of a discourse stems from a limited number of statements for which a set of conditions
for existence [discourse] can be defined. Thus, discourse is a set of statements made up
of historical value systems and expressed through different social practices (Foucault,
1972).
Like Foucault, other post structuralists are critical of the imposition of historical
ideological discourses; on the other hand, they propose a multivocality approach to
discourses of different subjects. Based on discourse theory, this article will analysis
37
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
discourse from workers, representatives management, business owner…In
multidimensional correlation, worker’s voice should be seen as their behavior in the
limited basic rights to achieve a better quality of life.
Discussing class struggle in society, Karl Marx (1844), on the stand of dialectical
materialism, emphasized the alienation of the working class in two ways (1) Workers
are who directly create products, but the products are owned by capitalists and (2)
Worker’s labor is exploited physically and mentally, however the value of their labor is
not enough to create a reproduction of labor force. The proletariats are the workers in
factories and they will lead the revolution against the bourgeoisie. According to Marx’s
point of view, the working class is the most alienation class in society and they will hold
a central role in the revolutions leading to the socialism (Marx, 1844).
Along with Marx’s view of the social conflict between the proletariat and bourgeoisie,
Engels (1845) described the British of immigrant class in the mid-nineteenth century.
According to Engels, the working class is representative of urban poverty. The working
class poverty will soon lead to riots and revolts against the capitalism oppression and
exploitation.
The studies of Marx and Engels are the first analysis of the working class social-
political status. In the view of Marx and Engels, the working class was pushed to the top
of the social class. This point of view constitutes the power discourse of the working
class and has influenced to the socialism countries.
Through the spread of Marxism into Vietnam, the concept of the working class’s
leading gradually became mainstream discourse. This is shown through the research
works of Vietnamese authors such as “Xu hướng biến đổi giai cấp công nhân Việt Nam
trong giai đoạn đẩy mạnh công nghiệp hóa, hiện đại hóa đất nước” by Dương Xuân
Ngọc, 2005; “Thực trạng của đội ngũ công nhân thành phố Hồ Chí Minh và giải pháp
phát huy vai trò của đội ngũ này trong giai đoạn hiện nay” by Nguyễn Đăng Thành,
2007; “Sự biến đổi của cơ cấu giai cấp xã hội ở Việt Nam trong quá trình phát triển
kinh tế nhiều thành phần theo định hướng xã hội chủ nghĩa” by Quản Văn Trung, 1999;
Thực trạng giai cấp công nhân Việt Nam hiện nay by Nguyễn Thị Quế and Nguyễn Thị
Tuyết Hoa, 2008. Most authors focus on analyzing the Vietnam working class in two
ways (1) The working class historical characteristic and (2) The leading role of the
working class in the Vietnam revolution.
However, in recent years, there have been researches with new approaches such as
social, economic, cultural life and workers are described as immigrant into large urban
areas (Nguyễn Minh Hòa, 2005; Nghiêm Liên Hương, 2010; Lã Thị Thu Thủy và
Nguyễn Phương Hoa, 2008; Huỳnh Thị Ngọc Tuyết, Nguyễn Thị Minh Châu, Đào
Quang Bình, 2009; Trần Từ Vân Anh, 2009, Phạm Thanh Thôi, 2013). The main
38
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
research direction of these topics is to focus on describing real life and analyzing
working class difficulties. The diversity and richness of the new researches show a
change in the perception of the working class position in Vietnam current society.
Although new researches in Vietnam have shown diversity approaches, however, these
depict social life of workers without analysis on the career and social status of them in
current period. Moreover, these are mainly based on statistics data survey. These have
not been exploited deeply words, ideas or attitudes of workers. Therefore, this article
will analyze of the workers’ perception through conversations. In this way, we need to
focus our attention on each individual's point of view, opinion and action rather than on
constructing abstract concepts, which are common and far removed from the reality of
life.
The article will use qualitative and quantitative methods. Quantitative research was
conducted in four different locations in Binh Duong Province with 800 samples based
on systematic random sampling (Di An town, Thuan An town, Ben Cat district, Tan
Uyen district). Qualitative research was combined in - depth interviews with
observation and participation with 30 samples. The sampling method is to select case
study from different groups of workers (region, age, gender…). In addition, there were
about 10 in – depth interviews with the representatives of management agencies in Binh
Duong Province such as the Labor Confederation, the Women’s Union, foreign invested
enterprises, state owned enterprises…
3. Findings and discussion.
Career and social status discourse
In the contrast to the leading role of the working class in the pathway to
industrialization and modernization in Vietnam by the state discourse (Nghị quyết 20 về
giai cấp công nhân, Jan 2008), the workers have different thought about their career
and social status. Through in depth-interviews data show that workers do not appreciate
their role in social ladder system. A male worker said that the worker career is not
appreciated in a society. It is just one the “common” career, which can be easily applied.
“The worker career is never honorable. In social ladder system, it is an average level.
Everyone can get a job in company.” (H., male worker, 32 years old)
The readers are familiar with the structure and the text style in documents and
resolutions on the working class will surely notice the difference in the way using the
language of the state and the workers. In state discourse, the role of the working class is
described as “leaders” or “pioneers”, who have the ability to lead the revolution to
success. However, the workers used the humility words when they talked about
themselves. The male worker said that the worker career is “average” level in compared
39
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
to other classes. The reason is because workers only meet to low standards of
businesses, they are able to find a job in industrial areas. The government policies have
built Vietnam as an FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) attractive place through cheap
labor force. The average salary of Vietnam worker for one month is lower than some
other countries in the region. According to statistics, the average salary per month of
workers in Beijing (China) is 466 USD, triple at Hanoi is 145 USD (JETRO, 2012).
Moreover, the other reason FDI invests in Vietnam easier than other countries because
the term regulations in laws such as the law on environmental protection, law on
taxation or protection policies for employees (Nguyễn Triều, 2009). On CIT (corporate
income tax) tax incentives, new investment projects in extreme difficulty socio-
economic condition areas are enjoyed 10% tax rate for 15 years, tax exemption for 4
years, reduction 50% in the next 9 years. In Thailand, investment projects in high
investment incentives region enjoyed to CIT exemption for 8 years, not enjoyed to
preferential tax rates (the CIT is 20% in Thailand). In Malaysia, high-tech investment
projects are enjoyed to a tax free period of 10 to 15 years and are not enjoyed to
preferential tax rates (the CIT is 25% in Malaysia) (Vũ Quốc Huy, 2015). The
consequence is the employer’s standards businesses are not only at a very low level but
they also do not pay attention to improve the worker’s life.
Labor recruitment criteria to work in industrial zones set by businesses are not too
difficult and complicated. The survey data show the most important conditions for
workers to be received in company are to meet health requirement. A male worker
expressed his wish to me has good health to work and earn money to help his family.
“Wishing to be healthy, If I have a lot of money, I will go back home. But right now, I
wish I had a good health.” (H., male worker, 32 years old)
He continued to explain for the worker need to health and with an “elderly” (the word
used by Mr H.) like him, it is very difficult to find a job. He commented his ability to
find a job.
“It’s difficult for me to find a job in my old age. I will try stay a here.” (H., male
worker, 32 years old)
In depth-interviews with workers over thirty years old, I found out concerns in their
own words about the work uncertainty. Because businesses need to more labors now,
finding a job in industrial zones is not too difficult, however, this is true for young
worker. For the group of older workers, although they have working experiences, but
their health no longer meet the job needs. Therefore, they do not find a job easily. A
female worker, who has worked for more than ten years in Binh Duong companies,
described about herself as “vegetables” or “grass” made me imagine worker’s life weak
and deciduous.
40
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
“The workers are just like vegetables or grass. If it has good, it must be pick. The
workers also must have a good health to work, but when they are old and weak, no one
can do work here.” (N.,female worker, 31 years old).
The quantitative data survey also found that the most problems for workers were low
income and illness. There have 34.5% the workers choice low income and health were
the most worried. Meanwhile, worry about unemployment accounted for 22.5% of
workers’s choice (see chart 1). The figure show the process industrialization
development in Binh Duong Province has created many jobs. However, after a period of
work time, health deterioration causes they could not prolong their work and low
income made them unable to fully meet the cost of living in large industrial zones.
Low salary
Other problems
Jobless
Illness
Figure 1. Worries of Workers
Besides health factor, other criteria such as education level, work experiences or
technical skills are not important because the majority of workers in survey have the
highest education level are grade 12 (accounting for 91.3%) and there are very few
workers before working in company have passed training courses (accounting for
77.4%). In the case of employment, the worker will undergo a common training from
one week to one month. Mr H. told us that when he went to the job interview, he did not
have enough certificates but the company still accepted him. He was chosen as a worker
by lucky not based on his ability.
“In interview, the interviewer asked me what I used to do, in fact I didn’t have any jobs.
I had just relied on fate and lucky. My documents were enough, just missing only
certificates. They recruited 12th grade workers but I only had 9th grade degree. What
can I do with grade 9? Then I spent one month training and have been employed.” (H.,
male worker, 32 years old)
41
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
The words that workers talked about their career such as lucky of fate reveal precarious
and risky in their job search. In social system, certificate is as a role “social capital” for
a find job, which also means that those who do not have it, will not be able to secure a
job for themselves. In the race to find a job to make living in the city, workers only have
health, are forced to working in industrial zones and they become the working class.
Other
opinion
Have a
degree
Hometown
Social
Network
Gender
Young Experiences
Health
Figure2. Workers’ advantage when applying a job
The quantitative data survey show the workers were evaluated three favorable factors
when they applied for the job: social networks (accounting for 32.2%), health
(accounting for 15.4%) and young (accounting for 13.3%). Meanwhile, experience only
accounting for 9.8% and professional certificate accounting for 9.3% (see chart 2).
Another source of quantitative data show there was only 19% workers underwent
training courses (see chart 3). The above data coincides with Mr H.’s thinking when I
asked him what his perception is about the career, he said to me: “Selling health for
living”. For him, the worker is just an employee as a hired laborer by selling their own
labor force in exchange for amount of money to sustain themselves and their family.
When they no longer have enough health, they will return to their homeland with the
little money they can save and then continue work as a farmer or find another job. The
Mr H.’s thinking reminds us of the working class image more than a century ago in
Engel’s definition of a class that relies on selling health for a living (Engels, 1847: 81-
97).There is not much difference between Mr.H’s thinking and Engel’s definition. The
workers are still the employees, who selling their labor to their employers.
42
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
No
Yes
Figure 3. Career training for workers
In our in-depth interview data about the career of worker, there is an interesting
conception from worker that “the career worker” is not like other careers in society. It is
just labor working in company. As said that by Ms V., a worker female comes from a
central province:
“Actually the worker is not a career. The career has to go to school to learn and
practice then do something.” (V., female worker, 23 years old).
In thinking of Ms.V, “career” is the word used to refer to those who are educated, have
a degree and then go to work in company, while workers are employers who use their
labor force to make a living tool. Whether this thinking can be explained from the
traditional paradigm that is distinguished between intellectual labor and manual labor
(Nguyễn Thị Lan, 2008) or it manifest a protest, rather an existential voice with the
implication that see workers as miserable people, who face difficulties to make a living?
Let me continue to the above question with the story about Ms V.’s complexity when
she applied the job. Although she graduated from college in Saigon, she still good not
find a job as her intention because she did not have enough experience as required of
employer according to her explanation. She went to Binh Duong to found a job in
company. She hoped that the job could make her a living and support the children who
were still studying at home. She has started over a year and the impression of the small
girl was the hard working life. When she was talking about the first time interview, she
could easily find a job in the company but that day brought her a feeling of humiliation.
“The team leader or superior think workers have very low education. Many people
think workers have no thinking, just to do. So they have the attitude of cursing. When I
heard these words, I felt sad . I have a degree but I was treated like that.” (V., female
worker, 23 years old).
43
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
Humiliation feeling of Ms V. when she heard words from employer about workers such
as no thinking, mindless…show bitter mood of being worker when she applied a job.
Here these recruiting staff did not see workers as individuals with the need to find a job
to make a living, they just saw workers as majority that they have to contact and
communicate every day. The behavior of recruitment staff once again reminds us not to
see people as abstract individuals separate from the reality of life, but to see them as the
thoughtful and dignified individuals.
Continuing to discover about the experiences of the worker’s status, I was told another
story of female worker about her complexity when we talked about the worker career
with other career. It started when she returned hometown, after nearly three years
working at Binh Duong. In meeting classmates, she felt a complexity feeling when she
saw her friends were now doing stable jobs. The climax of the story was pushed when
she heard they talked about the joy in their career.
“In meeting classmates, they told to teach pupils, know this or that person. They just
asked me why you still worked in factory.” (N., female worker, 23 years old).
The obsession inferiority was still lingers on her during trip back to hometown. She
continues with sad tone:
“My friend is a teacher. Everyone meets her on the street call the teacher. Meanwhile,
everyone meets me just call the name.” (N., female worker, 23 years old).
The inferior image of the worker is manifested by vocative in meetings with
acquaintances. Respectful attitude of them with Ms N. friends and ignore attitude
toward her shows the contempt of them or the career she was doing. Therefore, their
voice do not hear social attention and as a result, they internalize the view of other
people and see themselves as people of a under level of society.
From underestimating the role of the worker’s career to their choosing social status is
very low in social ladder system. Mr H. said that the social status of worker when I
asked him:
“At the lowest level, If they [boss] curse, we must to listen. Then they said what we did
not right. Sometimes the board of director invited us to meet them. They slapped the
table and cursed workers.” (H., male worker, 32 years old).
The quantitative data show the workers did not appreciate their social status. In the
quantitative survey, we designed a hierarchical scale to compare social status of
different classes. This scale consists of seven different classes (see table 1) and is scored
one to seven point. One is the highest score corresponding to the highest status and
seven is the lowest respectively with the lowest status in society. After adding all the
point, we will work out the average for each class. The results that we have shown the
workers rate their social status at position 5. The three highest social status are state
44
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
leaders (1.60), entrepreneurs (1.99) and state employees (2.92). In the opposite
direction, the three lowest social status are belong to workers (5.15), farmers with close
score (5.30) and unskilled labor (6.41). The middle position is the small business (4.63).
The classification of workers shows that there is a contrast between workers (in low
status) and managers (in high status). Workers, farmers or unskilled labor (lottery ticket
sellers, motorbike riders…) are themselves perceived belonging to the lower classes of
the social hierarchy. This rate contrast to state discourse that always upholds the role of
the worker class. The worker’s choice reflects relatively exactly the structure of power
in Vietnamese society today. Rights holders power belong to classes of managers or
state employees, while the workers, who are directly wealth and material for society,
only has a very humblest status.
TABLE 1. Classes’ social status in Vietnam society
Sample
Standard
Deviation
Class
Average
Value
800
800
800
800
800
800
800
Missing
Business
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1.99
5.30
1.60
2.92
4.63
6.41
5.15
1.043
1.239
1.016
0.852
1.047
1.044
1.103
Farmer
State management
Official
Small businesss
Simple labor (motor riders, sell lottery…)
Worker
The remarkable statistics is the proportion of workers who are Vietnam Communist
Party members. According to the Vietnam General Labor Union, currently only 1.2% of
private enterprises, limited liability companies, joint stock companies and foreign direct
investment enterprises have party branches, with the number of party members only
equal to 0,84% of the total number of country. Especially, from 2000 up to now, the
percentage of workers admitted to the Vietnam Communist Party has never been more
than 10%. According to data of the Central propaganda and training commission
(2008): In 2003, the number of workers who are direct production admitted to the
communist party accounts for 7.69% of the total number (10.723/143.550); in 2004, this
rate was 8.19% (12.899/157.510) and in 2005, it was 6.87% (11.646/169.461).
The low proportion of worker’s Vietnam Communist Party members indicates the
distribution of power in current Vietnam leadership system. In the leadership system,
the proportion of workers involved in management is very low. Although in these state
45
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
discourse affirm the working class leadership (resolution 20), but in reality this role of
workers is very weak.
Workers’ perceptions on their career show the difference in their consciousness with
state discourse about their social status in the current context. Their experiences shaped
in the interaction with the social environment also made them perceive themselves in a
lower status than other classes in society. Whether with low social status, the voice of
workers received adequate attention from the companies, government and unions when
conflict of interest occurs or not will be the story that I will discuss below.
Lack of dialogue
If there was a fundamental existential right, it would have to be recognized by others as
a human being. A true human being can freely express his or her feelings, thoughts and
voices in the face of problems of living situations. Man is never in a passive state. He or
she always actively seeks way to maintain its existence, in other words, he or she fights
for him or her own existence and thereby admit from others. No one can write about the
need to seek recognition from others over Jean Paul Sartre: “We are not lumps of clay,
and what is important is not what people make of us but what we ourselves make of
what they have made of us” (Sartre, 1963: 49). Sartre’s statement confirms that an
important thing in human relationships is rights freely express own needs and to be
heard by others. Reflecting on Sartre’s statement encourages me to question whether
workers’ voices are heard in dialogues with the companies or the government. Mr L is
an old male worker from Đồng Tháp Province. In 2005 year, he moved to Ho Chi Minh
City to work as a mason. Then he moved to Bình Dương Province to work in a ceramic
company. His family situation was very difficult. His youngest daughter was still a
student and his two sons have not found a job to support themselves. The family
depended on only him and an acre of field in the countryside. His appearance and the
way of talking are bold a South Vietnam farmer. During the interview, he proved quite
comfortable even when we talked about the relationship between worker and owner.
According to him, this was often conflict. And when there was conflict, the voice of the
workers is always weak side:
“Our workers do not have a voice, just dare to complain. We do not dare to speak up
the company superiors.” (Mr L., male worker, 41 years old)
He talked about the frustration of workers in his company about the regulations for the
Lunar New Year:
“As the former manager allows workers to leave from 27. This year, the new manager
forced to workers to work until 29. There was no problem with the workers from South
Vietnam like me but the workers from North or Central Vietnam, they could not go to
back hometown. They took two days to return. We were just complained but no one
46
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
could speak up directly to manager. We have no voice.” (Mr L., male worker, 41 years
old)
For workers away from their hometown, Tet is a rare opportunity for them to reunite
with their families, so the regulations of the company manager made them frustration.
But this frustration only occurred within the worker’s thoughts or spread within their
daily conversation. It rarely became the topic of public discussion in the company
because workers could not speak up against the board of director’s decisions.
“In general, most of the workers have no rights. They cannot say anything.” (Mr L.,
male worker, 41 years old)
In the quantitative data in survey, the two problems that workers most often complain
about were the low salary not enough to pay the life cost and the poor quality of meals
(see more chart 4). However when I asked: “Did you respond to the manager?”. He
answered that: “I did not dare to speak up with manager”. Continuing the story of the
conflict between workers and manager, Mr L. gave us an example about lunch in his
company. For him, lunch is a very important meal because it helps workers regain their
health after the hard work in morning. But in his company, lunch cannot meet needs to
of the workers. He described the lunch in his company that each serving usually ranges
from 10.000 VND- 15.000 VND for one person. It consisted three dishes: a savory dish
(meat, fish…), a soup, a stir fry dish and rice. However, the meal quality did not receive
the consent of workers when they said that there was very little food and it did not
ensure nutrition for a working day.
“The rice is less because they sell it by portion. Workers could not protest because the
manager signed with the canteen. They said that the food like that. Eating or not? We
don’t know what to do? If we don’t eat, we will not to work.” (Mr L., male worker, 41
years old )
Data collection from quantitative survey also support the above opinion. There were
44.6% workers said that the portion did not meet their nutrition needs.
47
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
Full nutrients
Lack of nutrients
Other opinions
Figure 4. Workers’ opinion on meal quality
However, when I asked what to do to improve the quality of their meals, most of
workers said that they did nothing. There were 61.6% workers said that they did nothing
to improve the quality of their meal in their company. It shows their resigned attitude.
They could not speak out for a change. Another coping strategy was to cook rice or
bought food at home (account for 13.3%) in case the company’s regulations are not
strict. Feedback with the union only account for 14% worker choice and strike
participation make up a small proportion 5.9%. Workers also did not express directly
their attitude to the manager. Most of workers chose silent as a solution. The
explanation of workers is that they are “voiceless people”. The worker hesitancy to face
the manager is the reason that they dared not to speak out their problems. When the
workers speak out strongly against injustice things, they face the risk of losing their
jobs.
48
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
Strike labor
Quit job
Cook rice at home
Feedback to trade
union
Do nothing
Other opinion
Figure 5. Worker’s action to improve meal quality
A female worker, who has been working in a timber company for two years, told me
about that her company kept the workers’ Tet salary, which made workers very
frustrated but they did not dare to respond. She said that in the company there are
regulations on keeping workers’ Tet salary to prevent they will not return. But she
thinks most of workers disagree with this regulation. However, they could not speak
out, because:
“Because of the people cannot make the money to pay for the family, so they are afraid
of being fired.” (Ms L., female worker)
The worker’s limited voice is also correlated with ineffective management of local
government. According to the workers, ineffective management of local government
due to the lack of interest in worker’s lives.
“The local government doesn’t strict management with the companies. It abuses the
labor force of worker but they rarely intervene.” (L., female worker)
At another level of management is the union organization, which is seen as representing
worker’s voice, but as Mr M.Q.T said the union’s role is limited due to the space gap.
When the union is usually not located near industrial zones.
“There is only labor union but it is far away. If I want to go there, it will take me a lot
of time.”
Through our research, the trade union also falls into a “passive” position in resolving
conflicts of interest between company and worker. Trade union intervenes when there
are signs of strike of workers, in other words, they only get involved when disputes
between company and worker become so intense that they cannot be reconciled. The
49
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
trade union often settles in the direction of reconciliation between company and worker.
Mr H., representing the labor union, answered us methodically about the role and duty
of the trade union when handling the strike of workers.
“The task of trade union is not to let the strike of workers break out. If it happens, there
are two ways: Firstly, we claim the company meets interest of the workers. Secondly, if
it beyond the resolve authority of us, we will inform the federation. They go to discuss
the problem with company to solve”.
The role of trade union was emphasized by Mr H. as the mediator between stakeholders.
However, in my opinion, the root of the problem is not that the trade union acts as an
intermediary in dispute resolution but the role of the trade union should be understand
the mind and aspiration of workers. In fact, this aspect seems to rarely have attended
from trade union and other organization. Through conservation with worker’s
representatives, we recognized a pattern work style. Mrs T., who is working currently at
the women union, shared us about her conciliation work. She told us about the
conciliation the strike of workers at the company. The solution is usually told workers
and then she persuades them to return to work. Like the trade union, the women union
only stands out to reconcile the conflict between workers and company when the strike
of workers happened. However, they don’t pay attention to conflict in everyday that
lead to strikes.
According to the workers, the biggest limit of the trade union is the little attention to
worker’s opinion. As Ms L. said about giving Tet gifts to workers. According to her, the
Tet gifts for workers must be based on their actual needs. Her opinion is that the trade
union in her company should buy foods that are practical worker’s live such as cooking
oil or MSG, but this was not heard by the trade union. Instead, she received cans of
swallow water, which in her judgment was not delicious.
“My trade union is very bad. They don’t defend the workers. Like Tet gifts, they ask
team leader’s opinion what gifts gave they the workers this year but when the team
leader replied that the workers would to receive cooking oil or MSG, they said workers
had all these things. Finally, they gave swallow water but it was not delicious.”
Business judge similarly worker’s point of view when they think that trade union only
play a supporting role in worker’s lives when they are facing difficulties. According to
them, the trade union in the company is only formality. It doesn’t not take real benefits
to workers. When we were asked if it was really necessary to establish a trade union in
company, Mr. V, Head of human resource in FDI business, told frankly with us:
“The law requires trade union checks social security and represent worker but it’s just
a formality. While the employer pays the union’s salary.”
50
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
He concluded about the role of trade union just to “pay a fee”. Then when we continued
to question whether the worker’s rights were really guaranteed without support from the
union, he replied workers work to earn income to help themselves and family but rarely
interested in participating in other social activities. When their benefits are guaranteed,
workers do not need them trade union.
“Workers go to work to earn income. If they have unsatisfied income, they need
allowance, other income or the union must support them.”
However, from the union’s perspective, Mr K., who represents for the confederation
labor, told us the reason why the trade union are difficult to establish in businesses is
that the presence of the trade union in the company give workers more voice. Moreover,
it will increase understanding of laws for workers, thereby leading to business need to
ensure more compliance with laws. According to him, most of the strikes of worker are
caused by the business does not meet the employee’s rights in term of salary and
working regime. Business are dissatisfied when trade union provide legal support to
workers as well as help them propose recommendations to authorities. Therefore,
businesses are often “listless” and do not facilitate for the trade union.
“In the past, many workers only knew how to work. They were not less demanded
because they did not understand laws. When they more understood laws, they demanded
the trade union to intervene. The business must to response laws for employees.”
During interviews with union organizations and businesses, we found that they avoided
directly answering questions whether they actually listened to worker’s voice. The
limitation in the workers’ voice partly explains the conflict between the worker
discourse and the state discourse about their position as mentioned above. Their voices
do not receive positive feedback from leaders. Organizations represents worker such as
the trade unions or women unions do not go into real world to listen their voice. It is for
this reason workers lose trust in social organizations.
Moreover, I realized behind the material poverty life is an extremely rich and complex
inner world of the worker. Entered into their life world and established relationship with
them, I felt that they opened to share opinions and feelings about problems in their life.
Therefore, if we touch existential problems in real life of workers, we will create a close
dialogue space. Then we can see on the other side of workers is human workers (human
being) thinking and acting for their life. This suggests an approach that requires us to
see workers as existences in their life world rather than as objects that exist in abstract
categories. “The most current of such transformations occurs in storytelling and
generally in artistic transposition of individual experiences.” (Hannah Areandt,
1958:50). Arendt’s statement reminds us to pay more attention to storytelling and
experience’s individual rather than grand narratives.
51
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
4. Conclusion
Since the birth of the Vietnamese Communist Party under the influence of Marxism –
Lenin has attached the role of the working class to a historic mission as the main force
and leading class of the revolution for national liberation and move on socialism.
Despite going through many historical periods with different missions and objectives,
the working class is still defaulted in official state discourse as a leading force to fight,
defend and build the country. However, in contrast to the historical ideological
discourse of the state, the survey data actually show that the workers did not appreciate
their career and social status. They talked themselves by words such as: plants,
vegetables, machines…etc. partly reflects the actual image of workers in industrial
zones. All of above words are the discourse that reflects the living world of individual
and thereby portrays a part of the immigrant workers. They are poor people in the
countryside. For different reasons, they choose the big cities to seek opportunities to
change their fate.
From the perceptions of workers about the career and social status, it is shown the
difference with state discourse about the social position of the working class. Workers’
experience in daily interactions with other individuals is one of the reasons that workers
perceive themselves as a lower social status than other career in the system social
hierarchy. Consequently, workers discourse shows a contradictory image of workers’
perceptions of the state discourse that has been “theatricalization” of the state as
analyzed by James Scott (1985) of a positive image of the role and social status of the
working class. This different in another point of view stems from the fact that the state
discourse has been encoded in an economic - political framework of thinking which is
dominated by historical value systems and thus frame workers in fix social roles and
positions. As a result, the state discourse missed out the voice of the workers coming
from their real life circumstances.
1. See more Nguyễn Đức Lộc’s analysis in his article Hiện trạng tiếp cận mức độ phúc lợi xã hội của
công nhân tỉnh Bình Dương và đề xuất mô hình hợp lý, pp.65 in Đời sống xã hội Việt Nam đương đại
(2015). Based on worker’s income per month, Lộc divided into five groups. The poorest group has an
income of 800.000VND - 2.510.000VND (accounting for 21.3%), the second group has an income of
2.510.000VND – 3.000.000VND (accounting for 18.9%), the third group has an income of
3.004.000VND – 3.500.000VND (accounting for 20.8%), the fourth group has an income of
3.510.000VND – 3.998.500VND (accounting for 18.5%) and the group has highest income over
4.000.000VND (accounting for 20.6%).
Reference
Arendt, H. (1958). The Human Condition. Second Edition. Chicago & London: NXB The
University of Chicago Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1972). Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge University Press.
52
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
Đặng Ngọc Tùng (chủ biên). 2010. Xây dựng giai cấp công nhân Việt Nam giai đoạn 2011 -
2020. NXB Lao động.
Dương Xuân Ngọc. Luận bàn về giai cấp công nhân Việt Nam hiện đại - đặc điểm và sứ mệnh
diendanddkdt1.htm#. Truy cập ngày 10/11/2020.
Engels, F. (1994). Tình cảnh giai cấp công nhân Anh. In trong Các Mác và Ph. Ăngghen toàn
tập. Hanoi: NXB Chính trị Quốc gia.
Engels, F.(1969). Những nguyên lý của chủ nghĩa cộng sản (The Principles of Communism).
Paul Sweezy dịch. Selected Works. Volume 1. pp 81-97. Progress publisher Moscow.
Foucault, M. (1972). The Archaeology of Knowledge. Translated by A. M. Sheridan Smith. New
Foucault, M. (1974). Madness and Civilization. Bản dịch của Richard Howard. Vintage. Ấn bản
1, 1988.
Huỳnh Thị Ngọc Tuyết, Nguyễn Thị Minh Châu, Đào Quang Bình (2010). Mạng lưới xã hội
của công nhân nhập cư ở khu công nghiệp Biên Hòa. Tạp chí Khoa học Xã hội số 5, tr. 29
– 38, 2010.
Lã Thị Thu Thủy (chủ biên). 2011. Thay đổi tâm lý của thanh niên công nhân xuất thân từ nông
thôn. NXB Khoa học Xã hội.
Lessa, I. (2006). Discursive struggles within social welfare: restaging teen motherhood. British
Journal of social work 36.
Marx, K. (1994). Bản thảo kinh tế học - triết học năm 1844. In trong Các Mác và Ph. Ăngghen
toàn tập. NXB Chính trị quốc gia,
Nghị quyết 20-NQ/TW. 28/1/2008. Hội nghị lần thứ sáu Ban Chấp hành Trung ương khóa X.
Nghiêm Liên Hương. 2010. Tính liên tục của nông thôn - thành thị: Cuộc sống của công nhân
may di cư tại Hà Nội, tr.289-306, trong Hiện đại và động thái của truyền thống ở Việt
Nam: Những cách tiếp cận Nhân học. Quyển 1. NXB Đại học Quốc gia TP. Hồ Chí
Minh.
Nguyễn Đức Lộc. Hiện trạng tiếp cận mức độ phúc lợi xã hội của công nhân tỉnh Bình Dương
và đề xuất mô hình hợp lý. Đề tài Khoa học Công nghệ tỉnh Bình Dương, 2011-2013.
Nguyễn Minh Hòa. 2005. Vai trò của tổ chức trong việc chăm lo đời sống văn hóa tinh thần
trong các khu công nghiệp tập trung tại TP. HCM. Kỷ yếu Hội thảo khoa học Đời sống
văn hóa tinh thần của công nhân tại các KCN – KCX TPHCM, 12/2005.
Nguyễn Thị Lan. Về dự định nghề nghiệp cho con của các bậc cha mẹ trong bối cảnh phát triển
kinh tế tư nhân ở nước ta. Tạp chí Tâm lý học. Số 3 (108), 2008.
Nguyễn Triều. 2009. Sông Thị Vải bị ô nhiễm: Vedan góp 90%. Đăng ngày 8/12/2009 trên báo
vedan-gop-90/351986.html. Truy cập ngày 10/11/2020.
Phạm Thanh Thôi. 2013. Đời sống xã hội của thanh niên nhập cư lao động phổ thông tại các cơ
sở sản xuất nhỏ ở TP. Hồ Chí Minh. Tạp chí Khoa học Trường Đại học Mở Tp.Hcm - số
5 (33), tr. 95-107, 2013.
Sartre, J.P. 1956. Being and Nothingness an essay on phenomenological ontology. Dịch và giới
thiệu bởi by Hazel E. Barnes. NXB Philosophical library New York.
53
Nguyen Quang Huy - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 36-54
Sartre, J.P. 1963. Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr. Dịch bởi Bernard Frechtman. NXB New York
George Braziller.
Scott, J. 1985. Weapons of the Weak: Everyday of Peasants Resistance, Yale University Press.
Thye, S. & Witkowski, C. 2003. The Status Value Theory of Power: The Effect of Status and
Resource Differentiation on Power in Exchange. Presented at the Annual Meetings of the
American Sociological Association, Atlanta, GA.
Trần Tử Vân Anh (2009). Nghiên cứu quan niệm của công nhân về quyền đình công, nghiên
cứu điển hình 20 công nhân tại hai công ty ở quận Thủ Đức TP. HCM (Luận văn Thạc sĩ
). Trường ĐH KHXH&NV TP. HCM.
Vũ Quốc Huy (2015). Thu hút đầu tư nước ngoài tại Thái Lan, Malaysia và kinh nghiệm cho
Việt Nam. Đăng ngày 27/3/2015 trên website khucongnghiep.com.vn. Nguồn: http://
khucongnghiep.com.vn/tabid/68/articletype/ArticleView/
articleId/1247/default.aspx.
Truy cập ngày 10/11/2020.
Weber, Max. (1946). From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. Edited, translated, and with an
introduction by H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills. Taylor & Francis. 2007.
54
19 trang
28160
Free
Bạn đang xem tài liệu "A discourse analysis about career and social status of the Vietnam working class: A case study from Binh Duong province, Vietnam", để tải tài liệu gốc về máy hãy click vào nút Download ở trên
File đính kèm:
- a_discourse_analysis_about_career_and_social_status_of_the_v.pdf
